Sweet William

Surge, propera, amica mea, columba mea, formosa mea, et veni.

Tuesday, July 6, 2021

Baldwin de Rosey, or de Roseto & Rose's Manor [aka later as: Beaufoe's Manor] North Creak

 

Rose's Manor [aka later as: Beaufoe's Manor] North Creak

The Earl Warren's lordships in North Creak and Burnham Thorp extended into this town; Baldwin de Rosey, or de Roseto, who held considerable lands of the Earl Warren, confirmed by deed sans date, all the benefactions of his ancestors, with a mill in Creak, to the priory of Castleacre; and Roger de Rosey, in the reign of Henry III. possessed the 20th part of a fee, of the Earl Warren; (fn. 4) and in the said reign John de Cocfeld [Cokefield] and William Athelwald, held a quarter of a fee of Walter de Calthorp, and he of the aforesaid Earl.

In the 14th of Edward I. it appears by an assise, that Richard, son of Robert Adelwald, had unjustly disseized Robert, son of Richard Adelward, of a free tenement, in Suthcrek [South Creke] and Waterden, with 2 messuages, 70 acres of land, a wind-mill, and 15s. per annum rent, &c.; and in the 29th of that King, Robert seems to convey it to Richard, with lands in Sidestern and Burnham; James Athelwald held, in the 20th of Edward III. a quarter of a fee, and paid 10s. scutage, formerly John de Cockfeld's, and William Athelwald's. Thomas Athelwald of Weston, passed by fine to James, son of Edmund Athelwald of South Creak, and Joan his wife, two messuages, a toft, and 80 acres of land, and to the heirs of James; in the 3d of Edward III. and in the 7th of Henry V. Richard Athelwald of this town was lord, who married Maud, cousin and heir of Beatrix Molebisse, and Mary de Bassing, foundresses of Spiney priory in Cambridgeshire.

¶On the 3d of April, in the 26th of Henry VIII. Edward Calthorp of Kirby-Cane in Norfolk, Esq. and Thomasine his wife, sold the manor of Roses in this town, Holkham, &c. which Mrs. Elizabeth Calthorp, widow of William Calthorp, Esq. held for life, with the reversion of all the lands held by her, to John Pepys of South Creak, merchant; she was daughter of Ralph Berney of Redham. Thomas Pepys his son, by his will dated October 1, 1569, desires to be buried in this church; bequeaths to John and Roger his sons, to Susan, Elisabeth, Anne, and Barbara his daughters 40l. each, to be paid by Farmer Pepys, his son and heir, and executor. This Thomas sold this manor, July 20th, in the 8th of Elizabeth; but his son Farmer bought it by deed, dated September 30th, in the 12th of Elizabeth, of Edward Goulding, and Mirabel his wife.

The remains of Rose’s, or later called Beaufoe's, manor survive well and display a variety of features which illustrate the social status and domestic economy of the manor house in the context of a nucleated village. The wall footings and buried foundations of the house and deposits within it will contain archaeological information concerning the date of its construction and the manner and duration of its occupation, and beneath them may be preserved evidence for earlier buildings on the site. Formal gardens constructed primarily for recreation and enjoyment and associated with the houses of high status are well documented in the medieval period, but relatively few are known to survive in recognizable form, and this example, within the context of a manorial complex, is therefore of particular interest.

 

The system of fishponds is representative of a type usually associated with manors, monasteries and similar high-status sites and constructed during the medieval period for the purpose of breeding and storing fish to provide a constant and sustainable supply of food. The principal elements of the system are clearly defined by the surviving earthworks, which will retain further evidence for the sluices and other water management features which controlled the flow of water through and between the ponds, and the lower fills of the ponds are likely to include waterlogged deposits in which organic materials will be preserved. The area to the south of the gardens and fishponds, which contains at least one building platform, will retain additional information relating to the agricultural activities and services associated with the manor.

Monday, July 5, 2021

Joan Rossiter [Roycester] and the Murder of her husband William Hartgill

 

The Hartgills had been settled on the Somerset-Wiltshire border since at least the mid-15th century, and Edward and Thomas Hartgill had then sat in Parliament for several Dorset and Wiltshire boroughs. William Hartgill owned the manor of Hardington near Frome, with about 650 acres, but he seems to have lived mainly at Kilmington, some ten miles from Westbury. This manor had formerly belonged to the abbey at Shaftesbury, from which Hartgill leased it, but at the Dissolution it passed to the 7th Baron Stourton who in 1542 or 1543 sold it to Hartgill.

 

According to a story current in John Aubrey’s day, Hartgill first took service with Lord Stourton as a ‘mighty stout fellow’ who had killed a man, but he is not known to have followed his master to the wars in Scotland and France, his function as steward being to manage Stourton’s affairs at home.

William Hartgill [1493-1557] of Kilmington's election to the last Henrician Parliament he probably owed to Stourton, whose closeness to Edward Seymour [22 May 1539 – 6 April 1621], 1st Earl of Hertford, would have added strength to the nomination: it is possible that the same patronage had given Hartgill a seat in one or more of the preceding Parliaments, the names of the Westbury Members since 1529 being lost, and his failure to secure one from 1547 may likewise be connected with his breach with the family.

 

The William Stourton, 7th Baron Stourton had come to doubt his steward’s honesty before his death overseas in September 1548, and his successor, his son, Charles Stourton promptly clashed with William Hartgill over the will, notably because the steward supported the claims of both the widow and her husband’s mistress, a daughter of Rhys ap Gruffydd. In the nine-year feud which followed, the lawless Stourton traded on the forbearance of the Duke of Northumberland, who was Stourton’s uncle, and of Queen Mary, whose Catholic zeal he shared and who made him lord lieutenant of Wiltshire, Dorset and Somerset. In this he was justified in so far as his campaign of violence earned him only one spell in the Fleet before 1556, when a further outburst brought him there again and cost him heavy damages. Released on bond while awaiting further charges, he went home clearly bent on cutting the knot.

 

The manor of Kilmington was obtained by William, Lord Stourton, in 1543, but within two days was passed to his steward William Hartgill. William Hartgill seems to have been well trusted as he managed Lord Stourton’s estates when the latter was involved in Henry VIII’s expedition to France. Lord William Stourton was succeeded by his son Charles Stourton in 1548. In the reign of Edward VI., Charles came to see his widowed mother, Dame Elizabeth who was living at the house of William Hartgill, Esq., and demanded a great deal of money but William Hartgill took her part and refused.

 

Charles Lord Stourton earnestly persuaded William Hartgill to be a means that Dame Elizabeth should enter into a bond to him, in a great sum of money, that she should not marry; which the said William Hartgill refused, unless Lord Stourton would assign some yearly portion for his mother to live upon. In discoursing on this matter Charles Stourton quarrelled with William Hartgill; and on Whitsunday, in the morning, he went to Kilmington Church with several men, with bows and arrows, and guns; and when he arrived at the church door.

 

John Hartgill, son of William, being told of the said Lord Stourton's coming, went out of the church, drew his sword, and ran to his father's house adjoining the churchyard side. Several arrows were shot at him in passing, but he was not hurt. William, his father and Joan [nee Rossiter], his mother were forced to go up into the tower of the church with two or three of their servants for safety. When John Hartgill arrived at his father's house he took his long-bow and arrow, bent a cross bow, charged a gun, and caused a woman to bring the cross-bow and gun after him, and he with his long-bow came forth and drove away the said Lord Charles Stourton and his men from the house, and from about the church, except half-a-score that had entered the church, among whom one was hurt in the shoulder with a hail shot.

John’s father advised him to take his horse and ride up to the court, and tell the council how he had been used. On Monday, towards evening, he reported to the honourable council how his father had been dealt with, whereupon they sent down Sir Thomas Speak, the High Sheriff of Somerset, not only to deliver the captives, but to bring with him the said Charles Lord Stourton, who, when he came, was committed to the Fleet, where he remained but for a short time.

 

It appeared that as soon as John Hartgill had set off towards London, Lord Charles Stourton's men returned to the church of Kilmington, and about his father’s, William Hartgill's house, and continued about there till the arrival of the sheriff Sir Thomas Speak, which was on Wednesday; during which time William Hartgill's wife was permitted to go home on Whitsunday, towards night. But in the meantime Lord Charles Stourton's men went to the pasture of William Hartgill, took his riding gelding, and carried him to Stourton Park pales and shot him with a cross bow, reporting that William Hartgill had been hunting in his park upon the gelding.

 

Thus Lord Charles Stourton continued his malice throughout King Edward VI's reign, and with violence took from William Hartgill all his corn, cattle, etc. On the death of King Edward VI, William Hartgill and his son petitioned Queen Mary and her council for redress, her Majesty being then at Basing End, in Hampshire.

 

The Queen’s Council called Lord Charles Stourton and William Hartgill before them, and Lord Charles Stourton promised there that if William Hartgill and his son would come to his house, and desire his goodwill, they should not only have it, but also be restored to their goods and cattle; where upon his promise, made in such presence, they took John Dackcombe, Esq., with them to witness their submission.

 

When William Hartgill and his son, John, came near Stourton House, in a lane half-a-dozen of Lord Stourton's men rushed forth, and letting Mr Dackcombe and William Hartgill pass them, they stepped before John Hartgill, and when he turned his horse to ride away, six others of the said lord's men beset him before and behind; and, before he could draw his sword and get from his horse, wounded him in three or four places, and left him for dead. Nevertheless, in half-an-hour, he recovered himself, got upon his horse, and took refuge in the house of Richard Mumpesson, of Maiden Bradley, gent.

 

This at last became a subject of Star Chamber inquiry, and Lord Charles Stourton was fined in a certain sum to be paid to the Hartgills, and imprisoned in the Fleet, whence he obtained licence, upon some pretence, to retire to his house in the country, and took an opportunity to murder both the Hartgills.

 

Within three or four days after his arrival at Stourton Caundle he sent advice to the Hartgills that he was ready to pay them the sums of money as ordered by the Star Chamber, and to end all disputes between them. They agreed to meet him at Kilmington church on Monday after Twelfth Day, at ten o'clock; and Lord Charles Stourton came accordingly to Kilmington, accompanied by fifteen or sixteen of his servants, sundry tenants, and some gentlemen and justices, to the number of sixty. He went to the church house and sent word to the Hartgills, who were in the church, that the church was no place to talk of worldly matters, and that he thought the church house a fitter place.

 

The Hartgills came out of the church; but fearing ill, refused to enter into any covered place, the church excepted; whereupon it was proposed that a table should be set upon the open green, which was done accordingly. Lord Charles Stourton laid thereupon a cap-case and a purse, as though he intended to make payment, and calling the two Hartgills, said that the council had ordered him to pay them a certain sum of money, every penny of which they should have. Marry, he would first know them to be true men; and then laid hands upon them, saying, "I arrest you of felony"; on which his men, to the number of ten or twelve, by violence thrust them into the church house, where, with his own hand, the lord took from them their purses. Then having in readiness two cords, he delivered them to his man to bind the Hartgills; and to the younger of the Hartgills, when bound, he gave a blow in his face, and coming out of the house with his sword, and finding at the door young John Hartgill's wife, Dorothy Hargill, Charles kicked at her, and gave her such a stroke with his sword between her neck and head, that she fell to the ground nearly dead.

 

From hence he caused the two Hartgills to be conveyed to the parsonage of Kilmington, where they were kept with their arms bound behind them, and without meat or drink. About one o'clock in the morning they were conveyed to a house called Bonham near Stourton; and arriving on Tuesday about three in the morning, they were laid, fast bound, in separate places, without meat, drink, or fire, or anything to lie upon. About ten o'clock Lord Stourton sent to Bonham, William Farree, Roger Gough, John Welshman and Macute Jacob, commanding them to convey to the Hartgills to a place appointed, and warning them, that in case they should make any noise, to kill them at once. These four brought them into a close adjoining Stourton, and knocked them on the head with two clubs, till the murderers thought they had been dead (his lordship in the meantime standing at the gallery door, which was but a small distance from the place).

 

This done, they wrapped themselves in their own gowns, and carried the bodies through a garden into his lordship's gallery, and from thence into a place at the end, his lordship bearing the candle before them. Being not quite dead, they groaned much, especially old William Hartgill. When William Farree, one of the murderers, swearing by God's blood they were not yet dead, his lordship himself ordered their throats to be cut, lest a French priest, lying near to the place, might hear them; and William Farree took out his knife and cut both their throats, Lord Charles Stourton standing by with the candle in his hand.

 

One of the murderers then said: "Ah! my lord, this is a pitiful sight. Had I thought what I now think before the thing was done, your whole land should not have won me to consent to such an act." His lordship answered: "What a fainthearted knave is this: is it any more than ridding us of two knaves that, living, were troublesome both to God's love and man's? There is no more account to be made of them than the killing of two sheep." Then their bodies were tumbled into a dungeon; and after Henry Sims and Roger Gough had been let down with cords, for there were no steps, they dug a pit and buried them together; Lord Stourton often calling to them from above to make speed.

 

The bodies were afterwards taken up by Sir Anthony Hungerford, and were found in the same apparel that they were taken in, buried very deep, covered first with earth, then two courses of thick paving, and finally with chips and shavings of timber, above the quantity of two cartloads. In the examination of the atrocities of Lord Charles Stourton it appeared that he had caused, not long before, a barn of one Thomas Chaffin to be set on fire by three of his servants; and then against Chaffin, for saying it was not done without the knowledge of the said Lord Charles Stourton, or some of his servants, he brought an action, and recovering a hundred pounds damage, he took for the payment out of his pasture by force twelve hundred sheep, with the wool upon their backs, and all the oxen, kine, horses and mares that he could find.

 

On another occasion, from one Willoughby he caused to be taken, for his pleasure, a whole team of oxen, whereof two were found fatting in the stall of his house when he was apprehended.

 

Lord Stourton was executed 6th of March, 1556, for the murder of William Hartgill, Esq. [husband of Joan Rosseter or Rowcetter, daughter of Richard Rossiter or Roycetre ], and his son John Hartgill, of Kilmington, Somerset, after an implacable Persecution On the 28th of February, 1556, Lord Stourton was arraigned at Westminster Hall before the judges and several of the council. It was long before he would answer to the charge laid against him, till at last the Lord Chief Justice declared to him that he must be pressed to death, according to the laws of the land, if he would not answer; after which he made answer, and was convicted, and condemned to be hanged, together with his four men, for the following murders.

 

On the 2nd of March Lord Charles Stourton and four of his servants rode from the Tower of London with Sir Robert Oxenbridge, the Tower lieutenant, with certain of the guards, through London towards Salisbury. The first night they lay at Hounslow, the next day they went to Staines, thence to Basingstoke, and to Salisbury. Lord Stourton was accordingly executed on the 6th of March, in the market place at Salisbury, and his four men in the country near the place where the murder was committed; and previous to his death he made great lamentation for his wilful and impious deeds.

Charles Stourton hanged with silk cord (noble status) & there is a belief that Queen Mary issued pardon but Lord Pembroke Lord Lieutenant of Wiltshire dodged receiving it so ensuring that Charles Stourton was executed.

 

In St Mary's Church Kilmington Wiltshire there is to be found a stained-glass window dedicated to the murdered Hartgill men. "In Memoriam Johannis et Gulielmi Hartgill XII Jan 1557. Hac fenestram curaverunt ponendam Henricus & Gulielmus Hartgill MDCCCLXIX".

 

The following Sunday Stourton came to Kilmington church with ‘a great many men’ with bows and guns and drove William Hartgill, his wife and some servants into the church tower. John Hartgill, their son, temporarily cleared Stourton’s men, by the use of long bow, cross bow and gun and was told by his father to ride to the Court. The Hartgills were besieged in the church tower until Wednesday when John Hartgill returned with the High Sheriff of Somerset. Lord Stourton was committed to the Fleet prison for a brief period but continued to harass the Hartgills through the reign of Edward VI.

On the accession of Queen Mary the Hartgills petitioned for the redress of property stolen and Lord Stourton, summoned to Court at Basing (in Hampshire), promised to return everything. When the Hartgills went to Stourton’s house in 1555 they were attacked, and John Hartgill was left for dead.

The matter was referred to the Star Chamber and Stourton was temporarily released for a bond of £2,000 to return to Wiltshire and repay the Hartgills such monies as he owed them. He returned just before Christmas 1555 and let the Hartgills know that he was ready to repay them. They were naturally apprehensive about meeting him but finally agreed to meet at Kilmington Church on 11 January 1556. Stourton arrived with about 60 servants and supporters and at first the Hartgills refused to leave the church. They were deceived however and, having been paid the money owing, were taken, the money removed from them, and they were bound and taken away, while Stourton killed or nearly killed John Hartgill’s wife, named Dorothy.


After being moved to various places the Hartgills were murdered by four of Stourton’s servants and buried in a dungeon, or cellar, beneath his house. The bodies were exhumed by Sir Anthony Hungerford and Stourton and his men committed to the Tower of London for the murder. On 26 February they were condemned to be hanged and they were executed in Salisbury Market Place on 6 March. Stourton was buried in Salisbury Cathedral. The fact that he was hanged instead of being beheaded, as was normal for his rank, showed the revulsion that his actions had aroused. The Hartgill family survived in Kilmington until well into the 18th century and in 1763 Ferdinando Hartgill sold Kilmington manor.


Unfortunately for the Stourtons the idyll was to end suddenly in the 1550s, when they were caught up in a most improbable domestic vendetta on their own estates that was to bring them, and, indirectly, our three Stourton brothers at Exeter, to the brink of catastrophe. The year 1548 saw the eighth lord, Charles Stourton, succeeding to his inheritance. He showed no hankering after the military life of his predecessors, preferring to devote his time to his estates, which he presided over with uncommon jealousy and belligerence. 

With these unlovable traits he combined a violent temper that would flare out in vindictive acts of revenge upon any man who crossed him: tenants could find their barns burned down or their flocks confiscated for imagined slights. Armed ambush was part of his repertoire and one chronicler further adds that ‘his other routs, riots, robberies and murders it were too long to write’. 


His most bitter spleen, however, was reserved for his estate stewards, father and son, William and John Hartgill, constantly spurred on by the conviction that they had taken advantage of his father’s long absences campaigning in France in order to acquire certain Stourton land and manorial rights by legal trickery. The Hartgills on their side came of good yeoman stock, able to claim sheriffs of Wiltshire and Somerset in their ancestry, but they were hard, uncouth, acquisitive men. William had the reputation of a ‘surly, dogged and cross fellow’ in the words of John Aubrey. The methods of the Hartgills towards their underlings were overbearing and could run to a violence rivalling Charles’s own. 


One does not have to depend on the word of John Aubrey alone for the authenticity of the bitter feud that erupted over the next five years as the two families stalked each other in the countryside round Alfred’s Tower. Few episodes in our shire history have been more completely recorded, for the account has come down from John Strype, who copied it from Foxe’s Book of Martyrs, a work that was written shortly after the feud. This had begun with a surprise attack on the Hartgills in 1549 and there is a graphic account of their rushing their aged mother, Joan, into the shelter of Kilmington church through a hail of arrows from the bows of Charles Stourton and his posse. 

This outrage earned Charles a summons to the court of the young Edward VI and a term of imprisonment in the Fleet gaol, and he was lucky to be released on payment of a huge sum in fines and recognisances. These events did not go unnoticed by powerful local families: Edward Seymour, son of the Protector, Duke of Somerset, the Thynnes at Longleat and the Earl of Pembroke at Wilton, all representatives of the new Protestant leaders, viewed their staunch Catholic neighbour with mounting alarm. 

There was no hiding the macabre climax when in February 1557 Charles managed to seize the Hartgills. Strype’s words describe the terrible scene of their being taken down into the dungeon of Stourton Castle and of their murder by clubbing before their throats were cut, with Charles Stourton looking on. 

A wave of revulsion spread quickly through the shires and reached the court, where Queen Mary was now on the throne. Her Catholic sympathies were of no avail to Charles Stourton who was immediately called before the House of Lords to answer for his crime. He maintained his defiance to the end, refusing to answer charges at his arraignment in Westminster Hall and making the insolent rejoinder to the Lord Chancellor: ‘I am sorry to see that rhetoric doth rule where law should take place.’ He was only brought to order by the threat of the terrible ancient punishment for contempt of the House, being ‘pressed to death’, a grisly ritual whereby heavier and heavier weights were heaped upon the victim’s chest. 


Charles’s subsequent execution in the market place at Salisbury marked the end of an epoch for the family of Stourton, bringing sudden poverty and humiliation where there had been a proud record of power, wealth and influence. His three infant sons who launched this article were only retrieved from a precarious future by the courage of their widowed mother, Ann Stourton, née Stanley. Her appeals on their behalf were finally rewarded in 1575 when Queen Elizabeth, who was now on the throne, relented and ordered a Bill conferring full reinstatement of the family and its estates. 

Thus vindicated by their Queen and some months before the Bill had a chance to be presented to Parliament, the College opened its doors to the three brothers with their name expunged of any inherited guilt, i.e. ‘restored in blood’. The eldest, John, was fully recognised as the ninth Lord Stourton and was summoned to attend Parliament in the following year.


Taken from The History of Parliament

WILLIAM HARTGILL

b. by 1493, prob. s. of William Hartgill of Kilmington. m. settlement 12 May 1514, Joan, da. and h. of Richard Rosseter or Rowcetter of Shaftesbury, Dorset, at least 3s.1

Offices Held

?Subsidy collector, Som. 1515; benevolence collector, Wilts. 1545; escheator, Som. and Dorset 1542-3, 1548-9; steward to Sir William Stourton, 7th Baron Stourton by 1544-48; j.p. Som. and Wilts. 1547; commr. chantries, Som. 1548, relief, Som. and Wilts. 1550; keeper, Duke of Somerset’s woods at Maiden Bradley, Wilts. c.1548-52.

Hartgill seems to have been a man of moderate fortune, and his will, made in January 1556 and proved on 13 Nov. 1557, contained few significant bequests. His widow was to have ‘all her lands in Shaftesbury, ‘Barow’ (?Barrow, Gloucestershire or Somerset) and Bristol for life, the house at Kilmington during her widowhood if she chose to live there, and £100 out of the ‘money, corn, cattle and debts that Charles Lord Stourton oweth and wrongfully keepeth from me’; two younger sons, Thomas and Edward, were to receive £40 each from these debts if they could be recovered. Hartgill appointed his son John and grandson Cuthbert executors, but as John died with him and Cuthbert was an infant it was the two widows who proved the will.

Until 1896 Kilmington was in Somerset and the Long Knoll, a narrow ridge running from east to west, 288m at its highest point, formed a boundary between the two counties. 

As the parish was an intrusion of Somerset into Wiltshire this change tidied up the boundary and was probably appropriate as Kilmington had more in common with its Wiltshire neighbours of Maiden Bradley and Stourton than the more distant Somerset villages. The parish is on the northern boundary of Selwood Forest and there is still much woodland to the east and south. Much of the parish is on Boyne Hollow Chert and is Upper Greensand, while both the Long Knoll and White Sheet Hill (246m) are chalk separated by a narrow band of Upper Greensand from the Lower Greensand.

The parish is on the northern boundary of Selwood Forest and there is still much woodland to the east and south. Much of the parish is on Boyne Hollow Chert and is Upper Greensand, while both the Long Knoll and White Sheet Hill (246m) are chalk separated by a narrow band of Upper Greensand from the Lower Greensand.

So Kilmington is now in Dorset, but it was in Somerset and William HARTGILL of Culmington, must be Kilmington.


Will of Ann (or Anne or Anna) DACKOMBE or HARTGILL – testator Anna DACKOMBE widow of of Stepleton, Dorset to be in buried in church of Stepleton, son/executor James DACKOMBE, grandson William son of James Dackombe, son/overseer William Dackombe, daughter Anna Gane son-in-law/overseer Hanry Gane, daughter Sybill Evans, son-in-law/overseer Henry Evans, daughter Margaret Horton, son-in-law William HORTON, no bequest, grandsons Thobias and Richard HORTON, sons of Williams daughter, Elizabeth DACKOMBE, sister, Dorothy HARTGILL, other relative, Martha HORTON (mother, sister or daughter of William HORTON), other Joane GREENE, maid, Bridgett YONGE, Marie MORRIS, Mother COWPER. witnesses Frances CHALDECOTE, John COOKE, Henry GANE and John CLATWORTHE s 17 July 1585 p11th February 1585/6 by James DACKOMBE executor – Reference by Geoffrey MANN 1. 1585 Anna Dackombe of Stepleton, PCC Windsor 11, abstract by Fry no 51.





Saturday, July 3, 2021

Lte 1200's the de Merk family connection with Windsor

 

Deeds:

A Descriptive Catalogue of Ancient Deeds: Volume 2. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1894.

Essex: B. 3464. Grant by John de Bovill [Bonville?], son of William de Bovill [Bonville?], of Ardlegh, to Ralph son of Walter de Sancta Ositha, for 100s., of all the lands, &c., that Robert del Hel [de Hele?] formerly held of the said William in Ardlegh, and the bodies of Richard del Hel, son of Ralph de Campo and Leueva his wife, and of Richard son of Robert del Hel, and Alice his sister, with their issue and chattels, paying to him 8s. yearly, to the ward of Rouecestre 4¾d., to the sheriff's aid 3d., and towards 'Wardpani' [Wardpeny] 2d. Witnesses:—Hugh Grosso, Ralph Martel, and others (named). [Henry III.- reign: 1216-1272] Seal.

Roll ref to Ralph de Sancta Ositha: 361 JOHN DE FROWYK alias DE FROTHEWIC. - ESSEX - Inq. 16 June, 6 Edw. II. -  Frothewic, Chiche Ridel, Crustwic, and Earl’s Chiche. A messuage and 2 carucates land, held of the heirs of Ralph de Sancta Ositha in chief by service of 1/4 knight’s fee.

Lawrence his son, aged 15, is his next heir.

 

1263 Issues of Easter term, year 47 Henry III [1263]

1) Richard of Tilbury, constable of the king’s Tower of London, £10 for buying plants for making

a hedge [hey] in the king’s garden outside the Tower, and other things needed for that garden.

Paid to Thomas, 100s. from the previous term.1 [CLR VI, 2303]

2) Elias of Rochester [aka: Ellis de Roffa], marshal of the king’s horses, £11 15s. for the king’s harness, bought by himself, for both palfreys and destriers, against Easter year 47. Paid to the same Elias by one

writ. [CLR VI, 2304, also covering the following entry]

3) Elias of Rochester [aka: Ellis de Roffa, 18s. for one saddle with bridle for the use of master Henry of Ghent, keeper of the king’s wardrobe, as a gift from the king himself.

 

Thus in the household of Henry III (1216 -72)  Ellis  de Roffa was marshal of the kings horses, c.-72, having as his subordinates William Atteforde, keeper of the .ing¶s destriers, and Thomas de Tytelington, keeper of the .ing¶s palfreys.4 By the fourteenth century there were obviously many more horses in the royal household, kept in various parts of the country, which necessitated a larger staff to care for them.

 

Knights of the Household of Edward I:

Throughout the reign the largest single geographical area from which household knights were recruited was the south east. Given-Wilson found a similar pattern among the knights attached to Richard II's household prior to the political crisis of the 1390s.

In 1285-6 five bannerets, William Leyburn, Guncelin de Badlesmere,Peter de Champagne, John de la Mare, John St John, came from the south east. Of the simple knights, sixteen came from the same area including Hugh de Brok, Giles de Badlesmere, Robert de Creuker, William St Clare, Giles de Fiennes, Guy Ferre, Robert FitzJohn, Ralph gorges, Elias Hauville [Hautville], John Lovel, John de Merk, Geoffrey de Pitchford, Hugh Pecche [du Pecche], John Russel and Andrew Sackville. Two others, Robert Giffard and Richard de Boys, came from the south west.

Finally, John de Merk, a knight of the household from the 1280s onward, spent a great deal of time with the king's hawks and hounds during his career. In 1285-6 he was with the hawks and hounds at Frompton from 9 to 24 January 1286. He continued to appear regularly in the hunting accounts of subsequent years, notably in 1290, 1301 and 1303. John de Merk also gained responsibility for the royal eyries at Windsor which had originally being under the control of Geoffrey de Pitchford, the constable. 99

As falconers and ostringers the household knights had many tasks to perform. Firstly, they were involved in the buying of new birds.

Thomas Hauville and John de Merk were out of court from 28 December 1289 to 15 April 1290 with the gyrfalcons. They seem to have spent most of the remainder of the year in court. On 3 November 1290 they finally departed from the king's side, returning to the household on 21 April 1291. However, during a year of a major campaign the duties of these men as falconers and ostringers seem to have been superseded by their military duties as knights of the royal household. During the Caerlaverock campaign of 1299-1300 Thomas Bicknor, John Bicknor, Robert de Bavent, John de Merk and Thomas Hauville were all in receipt of fees and robes as household knights. All these men except Thomas Hauville received wages for serving in the king's army in Scotland. Similarly in 1297 Thomas Bicknor, Robert de Bavent and John de Merk all served in Flanders with the king.

 

The constable was also responsible for the felling of trees upon the king's order. For instance in 1297 Walter de Beauchamp, constable of Gloucester, was ordered to have 30 oak stumps felled in the wood of the Barton near Gloucester. It was the duty of the constable to care for the animals within the king's parks and forests. Geoffrey de Pitchford was ordered by the king to ensure that hay and oats were provided for the winter season for the king's deer at Windsor and Kenyton. Until they passed into the care of John de Merk, Pitchford was also responsible for the king's mews at Windsor.

Rossiter family Castles in IRELAND

Rossiter's were participated in the invasion of Ireland in 1169 by Strongbow under the auspices of King Henry the Second of England. Lambert's great grandsons, Ralf and Wakelin (John) Rossiter were among the 2000 mercenaries recruited from around the southern part of Wales. For his services, Wakelin [John] was knighted Sir John Rossiter and was granted the Baronies of Forth and Bargy. The Barony of Forth had an area of 2000 acres of arable land and contained the sea port of Wexford.

The Rossiter (Rosseter) families then proceeded to build a series of castles to protect their land. Rathmacknee was the mother castle while other strongholds were Bargy, Slevoy, Tacumshane, Ballygarvan and Newcastle, (Kilmannon). However they were deprived of their estates by Oliver Cromwell in 1650.

One of the most prominent Rosseters in Irish history would have to be Colonel Thomas Rosseter who fought against Cromwell at Wexford. By a coincidence, Colonel Sir Edward Rosseter of Lincolnshire fought alongside Cromwell at the Battle of Naseby in 1645


Bargy Castle, Tomhaggard in the Barony of Bargy, County Wexford, Ireland

Bargy Castle is a Norman fortress near the village of Tomhaggard in the Barony of Bargy, County Wexford, Ireland, some 12 kilometres (7.5 mi) south-west of Wexford town. The name Bargy derives from Ui Bhairrche, the name of a local tribe.

The building is a square keep to which two wings have been added at right angles during the fifteenth and seventeenth centuries. The keep itself is in good condition, having been renovated several times.

From the 15th century, the castle was occupied by the Rossiter family until 1667, when it was confiscated by Cromwell in response to Rossiter's part in the defence of Wexford. It was then granted to William Ivory, who sold it to the Harvey family. It came down to Beauchamp Bagenal Harvey, the commander of the Wexford insurgents in the Wexford Rebellion of 1798. After the suppression of the uprising, and Harvey's execution on Wexford bridge, the castle was again confiscated and used as a barracks until 1808, after which it was handed back to James Harvey, Bagenal's brother. He, however, lived in London and allowed the castle to deteriorate, but after his death it passed to Councillor John Harvey, who restored it. He died in 1880 and is entombed in a mausoleum in front of the hall door. The castle was afterwards let to a Mr. Leared, who re-roofed and improved it.[1] The last Harvey family member to own this castle was James Harvey, and his wife Henrietta. Their daughter, Antoinette Harvey, was born in the castle in 1945.


Rathmacknee Castle, Rathmacknee Great, Rosslare Strand, County Wexford, Ireland

Rathmacknee Castle is believed to have been built by John Rosseter (Rossiter, Rositer, Rosceter) who was made seneschal of the Liberty of Wexford c. 1415. Other accounts associate its construction with his grandson Thomas Rossiter, seneschal in 1493. The Rossiters remained Catholic after the Reformation but stayed loyal to the monarchy and continued to hold their lands. Col. Thomas Rosseter fought against Oliver Cromwell at Wexford in the Irish Confederate Wars and the castle and lands were confiscated in 1654. The castle remained occupied until the 1760s. In the 19th century it was restored by its owner, Hamilton Knox Grogan Morgan.


Slevoy Castle, Co. Wexford.

The ancient castle of Slevoy was built by the Rossiter family. John Rossiter had been part of Stongbow's force of 2000 mercenaries who invaded Ireland in 1179. For his services, Rossiter was knighted and granted the Baronies of Forth and Bargy in County Wexford, he soon set about building a series of castles to protect his land.

Thomas Rossiter, born in 1612 became a prominent member of the Wexford Confederates. He took part in the siege of Duncan Fort in 1643 and when this evidence was used against him by the Cromwell’s Commissioners, he forfeited all his Wexford estates and found himself transplanted to Connaught. Thomas Rossiter later drowned whilst on a voyage to France. His two sons John and Walter were reinstalled at Rathmacknee Castle, Co. Wexford after the 1662 Act of Settlement.

In March 1766 John Pigott obtained a perpetual lease of the lands of Slevoy from Charles Tottenham of Tottenham Green. The Pigott's built a large mansion house around the old Slevoy Castle tower. The Slevoy estate was inherited by John's first son Thomas, a vicar of St James's in Dublin. Thomas sold the estate to his brother William in 1746. William Piggot was High Sherriff in 1771. He married Hannah, daughter of Jacob Goff of Horetown, Wexford but they had no children. When William died in 1788 the estate was inherited by his grand-nephew William Pemberton and as a condition of the inheritance, William Pemberton assumed the additional name Pigott, becoming William Pemberton-Pigott. William Pemberton-Pigott was High Sherriff in 1794, a Justice of the Peace, Colonel of the Wexford Militia and also the master of the Wexford Hunt Club.


Tacumshane Castle, County Wexford, Ireland

Tacumshane (Irish: Teach Coimseáin) is a small village in the southeast of County Wexford, Ireland. It is located 15 km south of Wexford town.

About two miles away is the townsland of Churchtown which was once called Tacumshane. It is where Tacumshane castle stood until it was demolished in 1984 by a local farmer. The Fence is the townsland located in the village of Tacumshane today.

WEXFORD PEOPLE IMPLICATED IN THE 1641 REBELLION

 

A LIST OF WEXFORD PEOPLE IMPLICATED IN THE 1641 REBELLION.

FROM THE WEXFORD PEOPLE NEWSPAPER OF THE 8TH AND 15TH JUNE 1912, BY PHILIP HORE

(1841-1931) (County Library Wexford.)

 

TOWN OF WEXFORD INDICTED UPON EVIDENCE.

RAWCETER, William, Tomhaggard, Gent.

SYNNOTT, Pierce, Tomhaggard, Gent.

SYNNOTT, Henry, Tomhaggard, Yeoman.

RAWCETER, Robert, of the Bridge of Bargie, Gent.

RAWCETER, Walter, Bridgwell, (Brideswell, Carnew, Scar), Gent.

RAWCETER, Alexander, Slevey, (Near Taghmon). Gent.

RAWCETER, Philip, of Ballyhogan, Gent.

RAWCETER, Thomas, Bracestown, Clerk.

ROSSETER, Phil, of Artroman, Gent.


Indicted upon the evidence and oath of John Allen, one of the Grand Jury.

ROCCETER, Thomas, Rathmacknee, Gent.

ROSSITER, William, Chappell.

ROSSITER, Patrick, Garrecleary, Gent.

ROSSETER, Philip, of Artroman, Gent.

NEWCELLS [MANORIAL ESTATE: NEWSELLS MANOR, BARKWAY, ROYSTON, HERTFORDSHIRE] MANOR

 

NEWCELLS [MANORIAL ESTATE: NEWSELLS MANOR, BARKWAY, ROYSTON, HERTFORDSHIRE] MANOR ( Newcels, Neusela or MANORS Nieweseles, xi-xii cent.'^ ; Newesel or Neweselcs, xiii cent.) lies to the north of the village on the main road. It was held before the Conquest by a thegn of King Edward's named Aldred and by two sokemen, one of whom was Aldred's man and the other Earl Algar's man. In 1086 Eudo Dapifer held it in demesne.' Newsells evidently reverted to the Crown after his death in 1120 and was granted by Henry I to Eustace Count of Boulogne.'^ The overlordship remained in the honour of Boulogne,^* the service due being that of three halves of a knight's fee.'^

Members of the Merk family were the immediate tenants of the manor in the 12th century.

A Eustace de Merk was witness to the charter of Count Eustace confirming Barkway Church to Colchester Abbey,'' and as others of the same family were elsewhere tenants of the Counts of Boulogne it appears possible that Eustace de Merk was already tenant of Newcells [Manorial Estate: Newsells Manor, Barkway, Royston, Hertfordshire] under the count. A Sir Eustace de Merk, kt., who was living in the reign of Richard I [Richard I B:8 September 1157 – D:6 April 1199, Reigned: 1189-1199],'' was styled 'lord of Newsells ' and founded a chapel at Royston within this lordship.^" He is probably identical with the ' Eustace de Oye [d'Eu?] , son of Henry de Merk,' living in April 1190." Sir Eustace de Merk, kt., was also styled 'de Rochester ' ^ and was succeeded as tenant (apparently within his own lifetime) by his nephew Ralph de Rochester.^' This Ralph had been preceded by a ' Baldwin de Rochester,' ** presumably the Baldwin de Rochester who witnessed a charter of Henry father of Eustace de Oye" and perhaps a son of the same Henry. In this case Ralph would be son of Baldwin de Rochester. Newsells was the ' caput ' of the barony which Ralph de Rochester held of the honour of Boulogne.^^ Ralph's son and heir William de Rochester died shortly before 24 October 1249 and was succeeded by his brother Peter de Rochester,^'[aka Peter de Rossa] parson [referenced more correctly in other places as Rector or Clerk] of Rivenhall [Ruenhala ], co. Essex.^' Shortly before his death Peter took the habit of a Knight Templar.*' On the Saturday before Ascension Day, 1 25 5, as he

Baldwin MeRouec' [Rochester] gave lands in Newsells to Coggeshall Abbey in or before the time of Henry II [1154-1189](Cal. Pat, 1388-92, p. 79).

In 1275 the jurors of Edwinstree Hundred returned that the whole barony formerly held by Ralph de Rochester had been alienated since his time, that the 'caput' (Newcells [Manorial Estate: Newsells Manor, Barkway, Royston, Hertfordshire] ) was in the hands of Burnell, and that the heirs of the barony had nothing whereof they could answer to the king. In January 1279-80 Robert de Weston and his wife Hawise, who was niece of Peter de Rochester, released to the bishop all their right and that of Sir Robert Scales in Newsells Manor. In 1292 Burnell conveyed his interest to Robert Lord Scales and Isabel his wife. Isabel survived her husband and held the manor for life. About 1315 Robert son and heir of Robert and Isabel reserved Newsells in making settlement of other estates on his wife Egelina. His son Robert third Lord Scales granted a life interest in the manor to Sir Robert Thorp, kt. Upon the death of the latter, Newsells reverted to Roger Lord Scales, son of the third baron.

 

Peter de Rossa, parson [actually the Rector or Clerk] of Rivenhall [aka Ruenhala, Rewenhale] and lord of the manor, who assumed the dress of the Templars a little before his death in 1255, (fn. 2) granted to them over a hundred acres of land in Rivenhall [aka Ruenhala, Rewenhale], and in return they maintained a chaplain to pray for his soul in their free chapel at Witham. They also maintained three chaplains to pray for the souls of other benefactors in their chapel at Cressing; the first celebrating on three days of the week for John de Staundone and on four days for the founders, the counts of Boulogne, the second for Peter de Toppesfeld, and the third for Peter the clerk.

 

Writ (missing). Inq. Wednesday after St. Andrew, 40 Hen. III. [05 De 1256] He died on Ascension day [4 April 1255], 39 Hen. III.[viz: 1255]

The said Peter 3 years before his death demised to the Master of the Knights of the Temple in England the manor of Rewenhale (co. Essex) for six years for 22l. yearly, whereof the said Master gave him 66l. in hand for 3 years. On Saturday before the Ascension, 39 Hen. III. came Brother William del Estre, preceptor of Kersing and Wyham, and other brethren by the will of the Master and returned the said manor to the said Peter, who gave them about 100a. land in the said manor in frank almoign; and the same day he granted by charter to Robert de Scales (his nephew) the manor of Rewenhale, and to Alice wife of the said Robert the manor of Newesel (co. Hertford); and on the Sunday following took their homage after making them swear to find a chaplain for ever to celebrate for his soul, and that if he should recover the said Robert would give him his manor of Hoo in co. Norfolk for life, and the said Alice would give him the manor of Hecelingfeld in county Cambridge for life; and he commanded his servants, who on Monday following put the said Robert in seisin of Rewenhal manor, and on Tuesday the said Alice of Newesel manor; and so she remained until Friday in Whitsun week when the escheators ejected her. The said Peter was of good memory always until his death, and a little before his death assumed the dress of the Templars.

 

 Rivenhall [Ruenhala ], written in ancient records as Ravenhall or Ruenhala once belonged to Editha, the Queen of Edward the Confessor, and to Harold. At the time of Domesday [1086-89] it was held by four lords, three so often mentioned in this series, Eustace, Earl of Boulogne., Robert Gernon and Suene of Essex         ., and another bearing the unusual name of Roger God save our ladies. There were five manors in the parish, the capital manor came by marriage to Robert de Scalaris or Scales.

de Scales & Alice de Rochester (or de Roffa/Rossa) & Newsells, Hertfordshire and Rivenhall [Ruenhala ] Manor, Cressing, Witham, Norfolk

 

The ancestors of the Baron Scales came into possession of the manors of Newsells, Hertfordshire and Rivenhall [Ruenhala ] Manor, Cressing, Witham, Norfolk in 1255 by the marriage of Sir Robert de Scales to Alice de Rochester (or de Roffa/Rossa), whose family had held the manors since 1210. Robert died in 1256.

Peter de Scales was Robert's[i] eldest son who inherited his father's lands but died shortly afterwards in 1258.

Robert [ii] de Scales is Peter's younger brother who inherited their father's lands upons Peter's death in 1258. Robert was involved in several expeditions to France and had summons to Parliament. He was listed at Dover Castle from 1261-2, as was a Sir Radulfus de Escales [de Scales].[1] Upon Robert's death in 1266 he was succeeded by his son Robert, who he had by his wife Muriel, and who was to become the first of the Baron Scales. Left a widow called Clemencia.

The Scales family's main residences were Middleton in Norfolk, Newsells in Hertfordshire and Rivenhall [aka Ruenhala, Rewenhale] [aka Rewenhale] in Cressing, Witham, Norfolk or Essex? but also held other lands including Ouresby and Torneton in Lincolnshire.

 

Also Alice de Roucestre [daughter of Ralph de Roucestre & wife of Robert de Scales] held manor of Hecelingfeld [Haslingfield in county of Cambridge – there in Heclingfield [ Haslingfield], Cambridgeshire] is a connection with John le Rus [pre-1279]- the large stone house of John le Rus outside Trumpington gate, where the Fitzwilliam Museum now stands, no trace survives [ref: Stokes, Outside Trumpington Gates (C.A.S. Publ. 1908), 40.].

Ref association with Rewenhal also: Calendar of Patent Rolls 1268: MEMBRANE 17d. : Grant by Nicholas de Audele son of Henry de Audele to Robert Burnel of an acre of land in Rewenhal which lies in the field called 'Peycecroft' with the advowson of the said town, which he had of the gift of the prior of Cruceroyes, who had it of the gift of William de Roffa; to hold to him, his heirs and assigns, doing to the said prior the service due and accustomed, as contained in the charter of feoffment which the said Nicholas has from the prior Robert; with warranty of the premises against all persons for ever; Witnesses, Sirs Hugh son of Otes, William Charles, Robert de Scaccario, Henry de Engayne, William de Wokendon, knights, John de Kirkeby, clerk, Master Ralph de Frenigham, William de Middilton, Master Hugh de Tornham and others.

 

Under the bio of Alice’s uncle: Parson Lord Piers Peter de Merck de Roucestre de Rovecestria de Rovencestria of Rewenhale aka: Rivenhall:

Peter was also rector of Rivenhall.

Citation: The Complete Peerage, by Cokayne, Vol. XI, p. 499 - Records Piers father as WILLIAM DE ROUCESTRE [no dates are recorded]

The said Peter 3 years before his death demised to the Master of the Knights of the Temple in England the manor of Rewenhale (co. Essex) for six years for 22 pounds yearly, whereof the said Master gave him 66 pounds in hand for 3 years.

On Saturday before the Ascension [40th day of Easter, Ascension in 1255 was celebrated 4 April], 39 Hen. III [8 May 1255] came Brother William d'Estre, preceptor of Kersing and Wyham, and other brethren by the will of the Master and returned the said [Rewenhale] manor to the said Peter de Roucestre, who gave them about 100a. land in the said manor in frank almoign; and the same day he granted by charter to Robert de Scales (his nephew-in-law, since Robert was married to Alice de Roucestre?) the manor of Rewenhale [Essex, aka: Rivenhall], and to his sister, Avice, the manor of Newesel (county of Hertford, Wylton co. Norfolk); and on the Sunday following [15th May] Peter took their homage after making them swear to find a chaplain forever to celebrate for his soul, and that if he should recover the said Robert de Scales would give Peter de Roucestre his [Robert’s] manor of Hoo [Manor of Hoo, ST. WARBURGH]  [is this a connection to Alice Hawise de Hoo? Is Alice de Hoo also Alice de Roucestre?] in county of Norfolk for life, and the said Alice would give him the manor of Hecelingfeld [Haslingfield] in county of Cambridge for life; and he commanded his servants, who on Monday [17 May] following put the said Robert in seisin of Rewenhal Manor, and on Tuesday [18 May 1255] the said Alice of Newsell manor; and so she remained until Friday [27 May 1255] in Whitsun week when the escheators ejected her. The said Peter was of good memory always until his death, and a little before his death assumed the dress of the Knight Templars.

 

Archives ref: https://discovery.nationalarchives.gov.uk/details/r/C9745172 -: Peter De Rossa, Parson of Rewenhale. Essex: Rivenhall manor, Cressing, Witham. Norfolk: Hockwold(?). Cambridgeshire: Haslingfield. Hertfordshire: Newsells.

History of the Manor of Hoo:

BEFORE the conquest, the Manor of Hoo, ST. WARBURGH, with the court of the hundred, was in the possession of Godwin Earl of Kent, from whom it descended to king Harold, and after the conquest was given by the Conqueror to his half-brother Odo, bishop of Baieux, under the general title of whose lands it is thus entered in the general survey of Domesday.

 

The bishop of Baieux himself holds Hou in demesne. It was taxed at 50 sulings, and now at 33. The arable land is 50 carucates. In demesne there are 4 and 100 villeins, wanting three, with 61 cottagers, having 43 carucates. There are 6 churches, and 12 servants, and 32 acres of meadow. Wood for the pannage of 30 hogs. The whole manor, in the time of king Edward the Confessor, was worth 60 pounds, when the bishop received it the like, and now as much, and yet he who holds it pays 100 and 13 pounds. To this manor there belonged nine houses in the city of Rochester, and they paid six shillings, now they are taken away. This manor earl Godwin held. Of this manor Richard de Tonebridge held half a suling, and wood for the pannage of 20 hogs. In the time of king Edward and afterwards it was, and now is worth 40 shillings. Adam, son of Hubert, holds of the same manor one suling, and one yoke of the bishop, and one of his tenants has there in demesne half a carucate, and four villeins with half a carucate and one cottager. It is and was worth 30 shillings. Anschitil de Ros held of this same manor of Hoo for three sulings, and he has there in demesne one carucate and five villeins, with 12 cottagers, having one carucate and a half. There are five servants, and one mill of ten shillings, and 12 acres of meadow, and two fisheries of five shillings. In the time of king Edward, and afterwards, it was worth six pounds, now six pounds and five shillings.

 

On the disgrace of the Bishop Odo of Baieux [Bayeux], about four years afterwards, his estates were confiscated to the crown, and among them this of Hoo.

King Richard I. exchanged the manor and hundred with Hugh Bardolf, for the honour of Bampton, in Devonshire, which had been forfeited to the crown by Fulk Paganel, or Painel, as he was usually called, to whom it had been given by king Henry II. (fn. 2) He was a younger son of William Bardolf, of Stoke Bardolf, and bore for his arms, Azure, three cinquefoils pierced or, as they remain on the roof of the cloisters of Christ church, Canterbury. He died without issue, (fn. 3) on which this estate of Hoo became vested in the crown, whence it was granted, anno 17 king John, to Hubert de Burgh, (fn. 4) then chief justice of England, and afterwards earl of Kent, on whose disgrace it seems to have become vested in Henry Grey and Hugh Poinz, in right of their wives, two of the five nieces and co. heirs of Robert Bardolph above mentioned, in separate moieties.

 

Henry Grey left a son, Sir Richard Grey, whose principal seat was at Codnor, in Derbyshire, whose descendants were the barons Grey of Codnor. One of these, John lord Grey, of Codnor, paid respective aid for it in the 20th year of king Edward III. as half a fee, which Henry de Grey before held in the parish of Wereburghe in Hoo of the king. He lived to a good old age, and dying about the 15th year of king Richard II. was succeeded by Richard, his grandson, (son of Henry, who died in his life time) who in the reign of king Henry IV. purchased the other moiety of this manor, and so became entitled to the whole fee of it.

 

But to return to this other moiety, which came into the possession of Hugh Poinz. His great grandson, Nicholas Poinz, died possessed of it in the 1st year of king Edward I. holding it in capite, by the service of half a knight's fee. (fn. 5) He left Hugh Poinz, his son and heir, who had summons among the barons of this realm, in the 23d year of king Edward I. as had Nicholas, his son, in the next reign of king Edward II. whose descendant, Nicholas lord Poinz, having married Alianore, the daughter of Sir John Erleigh, died about the middle of king Edward III.'s reign, leaving two daughters his coheirs, Amicia, wife of John Barry, and Margaret, wife of John Newborough. (fn. 6) They joined in the sale of this moiety to Judd, from which name it passed in the reign of king Henry IV. by sale, to Richard lord Grey, of Codnor, as before mentioned, who then became possessed of the entire fee of the manor of Hoo.

 

¶Richard lord Grey was much in favour with king Henry IV. who conferred many great offices on him, and employed him much, as well in war as in civil negociations. He died in the 5th year of Henry V. it then descended down to Henry lord Grey, who died possessed of it in the 11th year of king Henry VII. without lawful issue, and was buried at Aylesford, (fn. 7) under which parish a further account of this family may be seen. Upon which, although the manor and castle of Codnor came to Elizabeth, his aunt and heir, wife of Sir John Zouche, a younger son of William lord Zouch, of Haringworth, who bore for their arms, Gules, ten bezantes; which arms, with a canton, remain on the roof of the cloisters at Canterbury; yet this manor of Hoo continued in the possession of the lady Catherine Grey (afterwards remarried to Sir William de la Pole) for the term of her life, and she died possessed of it, as appears by the Escheat Rolls, anno 1521; after which it devolved to Sir John Zouche above mentioned, who likewise died possessed of it in 1529. He was succeeded in it by Thomas Cornewall, who was possessed of it at his death, in the 30th year of that reign, as appears by the inquisition then taken. Sir Thomas Wyatt, of Allington-castle, was the next proprietor of this manor; and he, in the 34th year of king Henry VIII. conveyed the hundred and lordship of Hoo, and the manor of Little Hoo, late belonging to Boxley abbey, (fn. 8) among other premises, to that king.

 

 

They continued in the crown till king Edward VI. in his 5th year, granted to Sir George Brooke, lord Cobham, &c. the hundred of Hoo, and the manors of Great and Little Hoo, to hold in capite by knights service; but his unfortunate grandson, Henry lord Cobham, being convicted of high treason in the 1st year of king James I. though he had pardon of his life, yet he forfeited all his estates to the crown, and among them these at Hoo, all which were confirmed to the crown by an act passed in the 3d year of that reign. Soon after which these manors were granted to Sir Robert Cecil, earl of Salisbury (son of William lord Burleigh) who was afterwards lord treasurer of England, &c. and had married Elizabeth, sister of Henry lord Cobham above mentioned. He died possessed of them in 1612, and was succeeded in them by his only son and heir, William earl of Salisbury, who, in the 4th year of king Charles I. alienated them to Sir Edward Hales, bart. who possessed them at his death, in 1654; whose grandson, Sir Edward Hales, bart. became his heir, and entitled as such to these manors; but he possessed only the court baron of them; for the view of frank pledge belonging to the hundred, appears by the court rolls to have continued, from the lord Cobham's death, in the crown, and to have been in possession of the keepers of the liberties of England, as they were styled, from the death of king Charles I. in 1648, to the Restoration; three years after which, in 1663, he seems to have had, by the style of them, the full possession of both. Having risqued his fortune in the service of king Charles I. and contracted debts to a large amount, he was obliged to abandon his country, to which he never returned; and this estate being vested by him in Sir John Tufton, bart. and Edward Hales, esq. of Boughton Malherb, as trustees, was conveyed by them, by the name of the manor and hundred of Hoo, to Edward Villiers, esq. the 4th son of Sir Edward, second son of George Villiers, of Brokesby, in Leicestershire, by his first wife, Audrey, daughter and heir of William Sanders, esq. (fn. 9) upon which Edward his eldest son and heir, succeeded him in the manor and hundred of Hoo, and being much in favour with king William, was, in the 3d year of his reign, created viscount Villiers of Dartford, and baron of Hoo. He was afterwards, in 1697, created earl of Jersey, and died in 1711, leaving by Barbara his wife, daughter of Wm. Chiffinch, esq. two sons; of whom William, the eldest, succeeded his father in titles and this estate; whose descendant, George Bussy Villiers, earl of Jersey, viscount Villiers of Dartford. and baron of Hoo, is the present possessor of this manor and hundred. (fn. 10)

 

The manor of Great Hoo extends over part of the parish of West Pechham, in this county.

 

¶At the court of this manor, the following constables and borsholders are appointed—one constable for the Upper half hundred, and another for the Lower half hundred of Hoo; and borsholders for the boroughs of Hardlefield, Boxley, Deangate, Dalham, Fincent, Church-street, and Oxenheath. The court is held yearly on Whit Monday.

 

 

The Scales barony was created in 1299 by writ for Robert de Scales.

The last known holders were Elizabeth de Scales and her husband Anthony Woodville, 2nd Earl Rivers. After Elisabeth's death in 1473, Anthony was summoned in her right. Anthony was beheaded by Richard III at Pontefract on 24 Jun 1483 and the peerage fell into abeyance. However, after the death of Anthony, his younger brother Edward Woodville, a supporter of Henry Tudor, styled himself Lord Scales, having been bequeathed Elizabeth's land by his brother.

Several people have subsequently tried to claim the title but none have been successful. The most recent was made by Sir Charles Robert Tempest who claimed to be a co-heir in 1857.

In the 22d of King Edward Robert de Scales had summons to be at Portsmouth, on September 1st to attend the King into Gascoign; and in the 25th of that King it appears that he held 10 knights fees, viz. two and an half in Berkway and Newcells [Manorial Estate: Newsells Manor, Barkway, Royston, Hertfordshire] in Hertfordshire, half a fee in Laufare in Essex, half a fee in Eneswell in Suffolk, one fee and an half in Rewenhale in Essex, three fees and an half in Middleton, Islington, How, and Rainham in Norfolk, and one in Wetherden in Suffolk, held in capite, and half a fee in Haselingfeld in Cambridgeshire

 

Barons Scales (1299)

Robert de Scales,            1st Baron Scales (d. 1304)

Robert de Scales,            2nd Baron Scales (d. 1324)

Robert de Scales,            3rd Baron Scales (d. 1369)

Roger de Scales,              4th Baron Scales (d. 1386)

Robert de Scales,            5th Baron Scales (d. 1402)

Robert de Scales,            6th Baron Scales (d. 1418)

Thomas de Scales,           7th Baron Scales (d. 1460)

Elizabeth de Scales Woodville, Baroness Scales (d. 2 September 1473) - Elizabeth de Scales married Anthony Woodville the brother of Elizabeth Woodville and brother-in-law to her husband King Edward IV.